Is Universal Basic Income the Answer to an Automated Future?
Some fear that robots and AI will steal our jobs.
- Predictions on job loss
- What is Universal Basic Income? Who is experimenting with it?
- Does UBI work? What are the implications?
Predictions on Job Loss
What is Universal Basic Income? Who is Experimenting?
- Finland: Early next year, the Finnish government will launch an experiment in which a randomly selected group of ~3,000 citizens already on unemployment benefits will begin to receive a monthly basic income of 560 euros (approx. $600). That basic income will replace their existing benefits. The amount is the same as the current guaranteed minimum level of Finnish social security support. The pilot study, running for two years in 2017-2018, aims to assess whether basic income can help reduce poverty, social exclusion and bureaucracy, while increasing the employment rate.
- Netherlands: The local government in the Dutch city of Utrecht is planning to conduct an experiment that would give a guaranteed monthly income to 250 Dutch citizens currently receiving government benefits. A two-year test period is tentatively set to begin in January of next year, and some citizens of Utrecht and some nearby cities will receive a flat sum of €960 per month (about $1,100). The Utrecht proposal — called “Weten Wat Werkt,” or “Know What Works” — includes six test groups, and the members in each will receive slightly different stipends under slightly different conditions. In addition to the group that will receive €960 per month without any work obligations, there is a group that will be given that, plus an additional €150 at the end of the month if they provide volunteer services, such as doing maintenance work on schoolyards.
- India: Over 350 million people (about 30% of the population) remain below the poverty line after two decades of high economic growth. In that context, in 2011 India launched two pilots to test the impact of basic income grants, funded by UNICEF, with SEWA as coordinator. In eight villages in Madhya Pradesh, every man, woman, and child was provided with a monthly payment of, initially, 200 rupees for each adult and 100 rupees for each child paid to the mother or guardian; these were later raised to 300 and 150, respectively. They also operated a similar scheme in a tribal village, where for 12 months every adult was paid 300 rupees a month and every child got 150. Another tribal village was used as a comparison. The money was paid individually, initially as cash and after three months into bank or cooperative accounts.
Does UBI work?
- They had fewer hospitalizations
- They had fewer accidents and injuries
- Mental health hospitalizations fell dramatically
- High school graduation rates increased
- Younger adolescent girls were less likely to give birth before age 25, and when they did, they had fewer kids
Implications
Wikipedia | Mark Zuckerberg
Basic Income | What is basic income?
Basic Income | 10 reasons to support basic income
authors: by Philippe Van Parijs + Yannick Vanderborght
05-04-21
This
coalition of mayors is experimenting with giving no-questions-asked cash to
their citizens
Michael
Tubbs, the former mayor of Stockton, California, is leading Mayors For a Guaranteed
Income, a coalition of city leaders—a winner of Fast Company’s 2021
World Changing Ideas Awards—in finding the best way to implement guaranteed
income programs.
Guaranteed
income is having a moment. It’s not for the first time: Thomas Paine proposed
it as far back as 1797. Martin Luther King, Jr. viewed it as a “balm”
for many of society’s ills. “It’s an idea as old as the country itself,” says
Michael Tubbs, the former mayor of Stockton, California, who may be responsible
for bringing it back into fashion, more enduringly, to help achieve economic,
and racial, justice. Over two years as mayor, Tubbs spearheaded a program that
sent a supplemental income of $500 a month—no questions asked, no strings
attached—to 125 Stockton residents living below the city’s median wage of
$46,000.
The data from Stockton’s program—The Stockton
Economic Empowerment Demonstration, or SEED—has been persuasive. For people who
received the funds, income volatility declined, and full-time employment rose
from 28% to 40%, double the rate among those in a control group. More people
reported being more productive, fewer reported feelings of anxiety and
depression, and it generally created “new opportunities for self-determination,
choice, goal-setting, and risk-taking.” It may also to help shatter the typical
“false tropes” against GI: beneficiaries spent less than 1% on alcohol and
tobacco; the rest on food, utilities, gas, and easing debts.
As
financial instability rose during the pandemic, Tubbs (who lost a re-election
campaign in 2020) founded Mayors For a Guaranteed
Income, the winner of the politics and policy category of Fast Company’s 2021 World Changing Ideas Awards. The
group now counts 43 fellow mayors aligned
with the concept as members, and provides them with guidelines on pilot design
and best practices, and also supplies research support in collaboration with
the University of Pennsylvania School of Policy and Practice, which helped
conduct the original SEED study. Most crucially, it advises cities on how to
secure funding—and issued $500,000 per city to its original members, divvied up
from the $18 million donated to the group last year by Twitter CEO, Jack Dorsey.
The
other mayors (all Democrats. “I am working feverishly on getting a couple
Republican mayors,” Tubbs says.) are starting to launch their own pilots, with
their own unique designs. Compton’s includes undocumented immigrants
among recipients; Columbia, South Carolina’s will send checks exclusively to
Black fathers, and Gainesville, Florida’s to people who were formerly
incarcerated . Tubbs emphasizes that the extra income is additive to any social
security benefits people may receive, not a replacement. “If we are going to
look for cuts to government programs,” he says, “those cuts come from programs
that benefit the wealthy, and not those who don’t have other resources.”
No
matter how successful the various pilots prove, mayors still have to balance
their budgets. Absent any outside assistance, mayors can’t afford to expand
these programs citywide. Pilots will remain pilots. So, the mayors are thinking
big: GI on a federal level. Tubbs thinks they have the momentum. Andrew Yang spread the basic income
gospel to the national stage, and COVID-19 stimulus checks have kept the idea
in the public eye. The mayors simply want those cash transfers in the mail to
continue after the pandemic ends. That doesn’t seem far-fetched to Tubbs, given
the progress from four years ago—”when, literally, it was just me.”
https://www.fastcompany.com/90617227
When a
California city gave people a guaranteed income, they worked more — not less
Stockton’s
experiment shows what $500 per month in “free money” can do for employment,
mental health, and more.
By Sigal Samuel Mar
6, 2021, 9:00am EST
https://www.vox.com/future-perfect/22313272/stockton-basic-income-guaranteed-free-money
Preliminary
Analysis:
SEED's First Year 1 Poverty is the biggest issue.
Everything
we deal with stems from that. There’s so many people working incredibly hard,
and if life happens, there’s no bottom. —Michael D. Tubbs
Executive Summary
The
Stockton Economic Empowerment Demonstration, or SEED, was the nation’s first
mayor-led guaranteed income initiative. Launched in February 2019 by former
Mayor Michael D. Tubbs, SEED gave 125 Stocktonians $500 per month for 24
months. The cash was unconditional, with no strings attached and no work
requirements. This Randomized Control Trial (RCT) pilot is being evaluated by a
team of independent researchers, Dr. Stacia West of the University of Tennessee
and Dr. Amy Castro Baker of the University of Pennsylvania, and funded by the
Evidence for Action Program at the Robert Wood Johnson Foundation. Our primary
research questions are the following: How does guaranteed income impact income
volatility? How do changes in income volatility impact psychological health and
physical well-being? How does guaranteed income generate agency over one’s
future? In March 2021, SEED released its preliminary findings from the first
year of the experiment. These findings encompass the pre-COVID time period from
February 2019 through February 2020. Key Findings Include: https://static1.squarespace.com/static/6039d612b17d055cac14070f/t/603ef1194c474b329f33c329/1614737690661/SEED_Preliminary+Analysis-SEEDs+First+Year_Final+Report_Individual+Pages+-2.pdf
Everywhere
basic income has been tried, in one map
Which
countries have experimented with basic income — and what were the results?
By Sigal Samuel Updated Oct
20, 2020, 9:50am EDT
https://www.vox.com/future-perfect/2020/2/19/21112570/universal-basic-income-ubi-map
Finland gave
people free money. It didn’t help them get jobs — but does that matter?
Receiving
a basic income had other great effects on the unemployed.
By Sigal Samuel Feb
9, 2019,
https://www.vox.com/future-perfect/2019/2/9/18217566/finland-basic-income
A Canadian
study gave $7,500 to homeless people. Here’s how they spent it.
The
results show the power of cash transfers to reduce homelessness.
By Sigal Samuel Oct
27, 2020, https://www.vox.com/future-perfect/21528569/homeless-poverty-cash-transfer-canada-new-leaf-project
These mayors
want to fight Covid-19 and the recession with one big idea: A guaranteed income
Mayors
of Atlanta, Los Angeles, Stockton, and other cities want a federal cash program
to support their residents in need.
By Dylan Matthewsdylan@vox.com Jul 21, 2020,
https://www.vox.com/future-perfect/2020/7/21/21327413/basic-income-guaranteed-income-ubi-michael-tubbs-keisha-lance-bottoms-eric-garcetti
- Published on April 24, 2017
- Calum Chace
Sign
up for this app and you’ll get weekly basic income (or help give one)
New
app Comingle is creating a community-funded basic income for its
members.
11-02-20 BY KRISTIN TOUSSAINT
If you want to benefit
from direct cash transfers or a universal basic income right now,
you have to live in one of the areas where various governments or nonprofits
are running pilot programs to test the idea. Not that many people
have won that geographic lottery. But now there’s a chance for anyone to
volunteer for a guaranteed income program, one that you both can benefit
from—and help support.
A new app called Comingle plans to
offer this online community approach to guaranteed income. Members will
contribute 7% of their weekly earnings to a general fund, which is then divided
among all the members via a weekly payout. Those on the lower-earning end will
receive more money than they pay in. For those with higher incomes, they might
put more into the fund than they get back, but Comingle founders Conrad Shaw
and Josh Worth hope the benefit of helping others is enough of a draw to
participate. Plus, that person might receive a net-positive payout in the
future, if bigger earners join the platform or if they fall on financial
troubles themselves.
“It doesn’t require any
legislation to happen, it doesn’t require any nonprofit funding. It’s not built
on a charity model,” says Shaw, a filmmaker currently working on a documentary about his own UBI pilot program in which
he crowdfunded money to pay 20 people a weekly basic income over two years, and
creator of the UBI
calculator. “It’s built on a community and solidarity and inclusivity
model—that we’re all in this together. Our unofficial motto is ‘strength in
numbers.'”
You don’t need to have an
income to join or benefit, either. There is a $2 minimum contribution, but for
those without an income, Comingle will deduct that $2 out of their dividend,
and they’ll still come out ahead. “For people that are working, the freedom
that comes with knowing you’ve got a guarantee of a certain amount of money
gives you that little extra cushion to be able to start pursuing things for
reasons beyond just being able to pay your bills,” says Worth. Regular cash
payments could also add stability to freelancers—like Worth, a freelance
graphic designer—who often experience ups and downs with their income. When a
freelancer gets paid, they’ll pay more into the Comingle fund that week, and
those weeks when they aren’t earning money, they’ll still receive a Comingle
payout.
It’s not yet clear how much
each Comingle member will receive weekly, because that payout depends on how
many people join and how much is contributed to the fund (Comingle will max out
payments at $15,000 a year). The company is hoping some funding from investors
will help kick-start its payouts, and Comingle will make money by keeping a
small portion of the fund—1% or 2%—for its operations. Every Comingle employee
will also be a member, paying 7% of their earnings into the Comingle fund.
Shaw hopes this model is
appealing to wealthy people who want to give back. “If you’re someone who’s
consistently in the top 5% [of earners on the app], you’ll probably be
consistently giving in,” he says. “But if you’re the sort of person that likes
to give back and give to charities and know [your giving] is being effective .
. . I can’t imagine anything is going to compete with 99% of every dollar going
exactly to someone who needs it, and immediately, without paying any middleman
salaries or missing the people who didn’t apply directly.”
Comingle isn’t up and
running yet, but people interested in joining can sign up to be notified when
the app launches. Shaw and Worth are planning a beta version to begin within a
month, and an official launch a few weeks after that. At its start, Comingle
will only be available to people in the U.S., as long as you have a bank
account that has been active for at least three months. As the app grows, the
founders hope to bring it to other countries, to those without bank accounts,
and to allow for targeted giving, like if people want to directly help a
community after a disaster, when residents aren’t able to earn money and
federal aid may not be immediate.
Shaw and Worth also hope
Comingle can introduce more people to the idea of a guaranteed income in an
accessible way. On the Comingle site, the FAQ section tackles some of the criticisms or
“controversial” aspects of a guaranteed income. “Isn’t guaranteed income just
called ‘a job’?” one question asks. The answer notes a job is condition, and
jobs come and go. “Isn’t this a lot of wishful thinking?” Answer: “You say that
like it’s a bad thing.” And: “Is this socialism, communism, or some other word
that I’m supposed to be scared of?”
“Nope,” the FAQ reads. “It’s
people just like you trying something new, looking out for each other and
dreaming of a better world.” Worth and Shaw say they included these questions
to address them head-on, not shy away from them. It’s not about starting a
capitalism vs. socialism debate, they add, but to acknowledge that the system
we have now isn’t working for a lot of people, so why not try something new?
Worth references a recent blog by consultant Matt Webb,
who wrote about the idea of “me money” and “we money.” “We
need to have both of those,” Worth says.
https://www.fastcompany.com/90569594/sign-up-for-this-app-and-youll-get-weekly-basic-income-
- 07-20-20
Is the
pandemic finally the moment for a universal basic income?
As
unemployment remains high and the threat of automation looms over any recovery,
UBI is getting another look as a potential key to ongoing economic stimulus.
When
Andrew Yang dropped out of the Democratic presidential primary in February, he
had no way of knowing that within weeks one of the central pillars of his
failed campaign would move from the fringes of American political conversation
to the very center of global policy debates. Citing looming labor market
disruptions brought on by accelerating workplace automation, Yang ran on the idea of instituting a universal basic income (UBI), an idea
that’s lived at the outskirts of American political thought—though never quite
in the mainstream—for 250 years. Specifically, Yang proposed the U.S. government pay each of its adult citizens
$1,000 per month (in lieu of some of the benefits the government
currently offers) to alleviate poverty and gird all Americans for the day the
robots come for their jobs, a notion dismissed by its many, many detractors as
fantasy.
Five
months on, with much of the global economy struggling to reopen and the Federal
Reserve forecasting millions of jobs lost that will never return, Yang’s notion
of a guaranteed income for all doesn’t feel nearly as fantastical. Since
February, governments around the globe—including in the U.S.—have intervened in
their citizens’ individual financial lives, distributing direct cash payments to backstop workers sidelined
by the COVID-19 pandemic. Some are considering keeping such direct
assistance in place indefinitely, or at least until the economic shocks
subside. In some countries, that could keep some kind of regularly distributed
guaranteed income in place for years, even if governments choose to call it by
another name.
In
the U.S., lawmakers continue to debate a range of economic stimulus measures
beyond the onetime $1,200 stimulus checks sent out to most Americans starting
in March and the additional $600 in federal funds tacked onto weekly state
unemployment insurance payouts. Some of the measures under consideration
include additional direct cash payments to citizens aimed at supporting workers
until the pandemic eases and the economic crisis passes. But behind the scenes,
another debate is emerging: What if the crisis doesn’t pass?
Even
under more normal circumstances, recessions tend to accelerate adoption of the
very technologies that Yang and many others in Silicon Valley believe will
someday necessitate some sort of universal guaranteed income. In the decade
since the last recession, a steady growth in automation was largely masked by
surging demand, says Mark Muro, senior fellow and policy director for the
Metropolitan Policy Program at the Brookings Institution. The vast wealth
generated by economies and financial markets bouncing back from the 2008 crisis
kept employment ticking upward even as companies steadily replaced lower-skilled
labor with a mix of technology and fewer higher-skilled workers, a proven
formula for boosting productivity.
The
current pandemic-driven recession only makes automation more attractive. Not
only do robots never get sick, but they address a public health priority by
minimizing human interactions. And while it might seem like the ongoing spike
in joblessness would make human labor attractively less expensive for
companies, the opposite is true when consumer demand is simultaneously
cratering. “When revenues are collapsing, people become more expendable,” Muro
says. With fewer dollars to spend on wages and salaries, each worker becomes
relatively more expensive.
Muro
and his research associates have flagged some 36 million U.S. jobs rated as highly
susceptible to automation, in sectors ranging from hospitality and food service
to manufacturing, retail, agriculture, transportation, and logistics. Many if
not most of the jobs supplanted by increasingly capable machines during the
COVID-19 crisis won’t be coming back, making a jobs-led recovery increasingly
unlikely.
Take
the nation’s largest private employer, for example. By year’s end, Walmart
plans to have autonomous floor-scrubbing robots deployed in 1,860 of its more
than 4,700 stores, a robot rollout that began long before COVID-19 was a
headline. The company is also deploying shelf-scanning and stock-sorting robots
at more than 1,000 stores, a rollout that has continued during the pandemic, a
Walmart spokesperson recently confirmed to CNN. And more autonomous robots are coming,
says Phil Duffy, vice president of product for San Diego-based Brain Corp, the
company behind the software that drives Walmart’s autonomous cleaning bots.
“The world of fully autonomous robots at scale—these are robots that have all
the sensors on them, have the processing on board, and are able to make
decisions themselves—is probably less than five years away.”
These
robots aren’t necessarily designed to replace humans, Duffy says, but to
augment them, boosting their productivity (one less human mopping the floor
frees up one more human to do work robots currently can’t, like cleaning
high-touch surfaces that may more readily transmit COVID-19). But that’s not
necessarily comforting news for workers as technology continues to allow machines
to perform more and more tasks. A survey of corporate executives released by accounting firm PwC indicates
that nearly half of CFOs anticipate cuts to workforce efforts in response to
COVID-19. Meanwhile, only 17 percent expect cuts to initiatives like “digital
transformation” and 44 percent plan to accelerate “automation and new ways of
working”—all terms that either explicitly or implicitly nod toward replacing
human workers with technology.
“A
lot of the technologies that were relatively crude during the last recession
are now ready for prime time,” Muro says. “So I don’t think this is a hot take.
I think this is going to be a much more substantial feature of this downturn,
both because the technology is so advanced and because of the particular nature
of the infection danger. It’s almost perfectly programmed to ratchet up the use
case for this stuff.”
Whenever
major labor disruptions loom, UBI surfaces as a potential remedy. Its
historical champions include representatives from across the philosophical and
political spectra, from founding father Thomas Paine to conservative economist
Milton Friedman to Dr. Martin Luther King Jr. and even President Richard Nixon.
But in recent years the loudest voices pushing UBI into mainstream conversation
come from Silicon Valley, names like Andrew Yang, Mark Zuckerberg, and Elon
Musk. In late May, Twitter and Square CEO Jack Dorsey donated $3 million to Yang’s Humanity Forward nonprofit, cash that
will be distributed in 20,000 micro grants of $250 each as the organization
continues to make a case for UBI in the United States.
In
Stockton, California, that case is already being made. The city of just over
300,000 people has teamed with the nonprofit Economic Security Project to conduct
a UBI pilot program providing 125 residents with monthly no-strings-attached
payments of $500 over the past 18 months—beginning in February of 2019—as a
means of measuring their social and economic impacts. “I think at the
bare minimum we’ve found that if you give money to people the world doesn’t
implode, people don’t stop working, we don’t stop being America,” says Stockton
Mayor Michael Tubbs, addressing some of the more persistent and hyperbolic
critiques of UBI.
The
initial data bears out the efficacy of Stockton’s program. Early
results show that more than 40% of the funds are spent on food, 20% on consumer
goods, and 10% on utilities. Additionally, participants are reporting that they
are able to spend more money on their children, and to spend more time
preparing for and applying to higher-paying jobs. But with the emergence of
coronavirus, the experiment has become something of a measuring stick for how a
guaranteed income can impact communities during a serious economic crisis (the
project was recently extended for an additional six months in direct response
to the COVID-19 crisis).
In
response to both long-standing economic insecurity in their communities and the
current coronavirus pandemic, 11 mayors (including Mayor Tubbs) came together
in June to form Mayors
for a Guaranteed Income. Within a few weeks their ranks grew to represent
15 cities, including Los Angeles, Atlanta, Pittsburgh, and Jackson, Miss. The
organization’s goal: “Mayors will come together in this network to advocate for
a guaranteed income—direct, recurring cash payments—that lifts all of our
communities, building a resilient, just America,” a signal that UBI is gaining
some political traction in the U.S., at least at the local level.
Meanwhile,
the federal government’s primary pandemic relief initiative—the one-time $1,200
stimulus payment initially supplied by the federal government—is a distant
memory for most recipients, their checks quickly absorbed by rent, bills, and
the day-to-day costs of living, says Economic Security Project co-founder
Natalie Foster. “Enhanced unemployment” continues to supply those eligible with
an extra $600 per week, but that additional payout will cease at the end of
July, 2020. For some in Stockton, the $500 monthly UBI payments are staving off
financial catastrophe, but only for 125 families, and only for now. “The bills come
due every month,” Foster says. “And so should the checks.”
As
a growing number of lawmakers come around to the same way of thinking, Yang’s
proposal to place a monthly income floor beneath all Americans has in a matter
of months evolved from a politically untenable fringe notion to a palatable
economic policy, at least on a limited basis. “There’s more interest in
guaranteeing an income than we’ve ever seen in Washington, D.C.,” Foster says.
“And for very good reason.” Representatives Tim Ryan (D-OH) and Rho Khanna
(D-CA) have proposed a $2,000 monthly payment to adults (plus $500 per child up
to three children) for a minimum of six months, continuing until the economic
crisis is contained. A similar bill put forth by Senators. Kamala Harris
(D-CA), Bernie Sanders (I-VT), and Ed Markey (D-MA) in the Senate would provide
the same monthly payments until three months after the public health emergency
ends.
Five
of the six proposals circulating on Capitol Hill would means-test recipients,
reducing or restricting payments based on a household’s income, but one of the
bills—introduced by Representatives Rashida Tlaib (D-MN) and Pramila Jayapal
(D-WA)—is truly universal, offering $2,000 monthly until the pandemic ends and
then $1,000 until one year after the associated recession ends. But with more
than 17 million Americans still filing for continuous unemployment benefits and
more than 1 million filing new claims each week, it’s unclear what the end of
the recession will look like for workers, particularly as increasing automation
ensures many jobs won’t come back.
Looking
toward 2021 it’s no longer difficult to envision a world wherein large swathes
of the global population remain unemployed or underemployed as labor markets
recover unevenly and accelerating automation continues to hamstring a jobs-led
economic recovery. In that type of environment, “UBI becomes thinkable,”
Brookings’ Muro says. In Spain, that thinking has led to the institution of
a “national minimum income,” a means-tested program that
will ensure its poorest people receive at least $500 a month (those earning
less than $500 monthly would receive the difference). The initiative has
re-ignited a long-dormant discussion of an EU-wide minimum income between some
government leaders and members of the EU parliament. And in the U.S., the
debate over the next phase of economic and fiscal stimulus continues.
After
years spent on the political fringes, the notion of UBI (or “minimum income,”
or “guaranteed income”) may be coming into its time not through the front door
of political or ideological revolution but via a backdoor opened wide by an
epidemiological crisis compounded by technological disruption. Those suffering
through economic uncertainty unprecedented in our lifetimes likely won’t care
how it gets here or how it’s marketed to voters if and when it arrives.
“Whether we call it a guaranteed income, an income floor, whatever you want to
call it,” says Stockton’s Mayor Tubbs. “I’m agnostic as long as people get what
they need as part of a new social contract so they have some foundation to
stand on.”
https://www.fastcompany.com/90529479/is-the-pandemic-finally-ubis-moment
The
Case for 'Universal Property'
An idea pioneered by Alaska could inoculate society
against extreme inequality
- By James K.
Boyce on November 28, 2020
When voters went to the
polls in November, one outcome was certain: America would emerge as a nation
deeply divided. President-elect Biden’s pledge to “unite
and heal” will do little to remedy this reality unless good
intentions are matched by bold policies that truly bring Americans together.
Universal property—an innovative idea that goes beyond income to the economic
bedrock of wealth—offers a way to move in that direction, one that could win
support on both sides of the political aisle.
Americans cherish both
equality and liberty. The problem is that when these appear to be in conflict,
the nation is torn between those willing to sacrifice some liberty for greater
equality and those willing to do the opposite. This underlying fault line was
in evidence between those who voted for Biden and those who voted for Trump. It
is also a source of ambivalence among the many Americans on both sides who
value both.
The notion that equality is
the enemy of liberty, and vice versa, is founded on the view that government is
the ultimate guarantor of equality, and private property the ultimate guarantor
of liberty. The balance between equality and liberty thus morphs into the
balance between the state and the market. A quintessential exposition of this
line of thinking can be found in the writings of antebellum South Carolina
Senator John C. Calhoun. In his Disquisition on Government, published
in 1851, Calhoun juxtaposed “two great classes”: one comprised of taxpayers
(including slaveholders like
himself) who fund the government, the other of “tax-consumers” who
live on government handouts. The 20th-century free-market avatar Ayn Rand gave
Calhoun’s classes more vivid labels: “The creator produces,” she wrote in her
1943 novel The Fountainhead, “the parasite loots.”
Around the same time that
Calhoun was penning his Disquisition, across the Atlantic two
German émigrés offered a very different notion of class struggle. In the Communist
Manifesto, Karl Marx and Friedrich Engels portrayed the working class
as the true creators of wealth, and the owners of capital as parasites. A key
plank in their program for building a more egalitarian society was state ownership
of “the means of production.” The shortcomings of this recipe became all too
clear with the advent of Communist regimes in the 20th century. The belief that
state property would in a meaningful sense belong to all was belied by the rise
of new elites, whose power like that of capitalists rested on control of
property—property nominally belonging to the governments they ran. In Russia,
three decades after elite “reformers” in the U.S.S.R. leveraged their political
status to reinvent themselves as post-communist oligarchs, wealth
is distributed even more unequally than in the United States. And
in China inequality
has reemerged with a vengeance.
The lesson: Neither private
property nor state-owned property is sufficient to guarantee equality and liberty
for all. The first can allow economic elites to monopolize wealth and power,
the second can allow political elites to do the same. But there is an
alternative type of property that can never be concentrated in the hands of an
elite. It was pioneered in, of all places, Alaska.
In 1976, as oil production
commenced on Alaska’s North Slope, the state amended its constitution to create
a new entity called the Alaska Permanent Fund.
The idea was the brainchild of Republican governor Jay Hammond, who believed
that Alaska’s oil wealth belonged to all its residents, and that all should
receive equal annual dividends from its extraction. The fund is “permanent”
because some of the money is invested so that future generations will receive
dividends too once oil production ends. “That money and the resources it comes
from belong to all Alaskans,” Hammond wrote, “not to
government or to a few ‘J.R. Ewings’ who in states like Texas own almost all
the oil.” Not surprisingly, the fund has proven enormously popular across the
state’s political spectrum. The record
payout, more than $3,000 per person including a one-time rebate,
came under Governor Sarah Palin in 2008.
The Permanent Fund is
neither private property nor public property in the conventional senses. Unlike
public property, the right to the revenue belongs to the people, not the
government. Unlike private property, this right cannot be bought or sold, owned
by corporations, or concentrated in a few hands. It is universal
property: individual, inalienable and perfectly egalitarian.
In 2001 Peter Barnes, a
solar energy entrepreneur and co-founder of the Working Assets Long Distance
telephone company, wrote a book called Who
Owns the Sky?, in which he proposed to treat the atmosphere’s
limited capacity to safely absorb carbon emissions like Alaska treats its oil:
as a joint inheritance that belongs in equal measure to each and every person.
To protect this precious inheritance for future generations, Barnes argued that
we ought to strictly limit the use of fossil fuels, charge prices for the
carbon emissions we do permit, and recycle the revenue to the public as
dividends. Hammond, for one, found the idea intriguing. “Pie in the sky?” he
mused. “Perhaps, but provocative.”
In his forthcoming
book Ours: How Universal Property Can Transform the World, Barnes
extends the possibilities for this alternative type of property beyond natural
assets to include assets we have created as a society, such as the legal and
institutional architecture of the financial system that underpins individual
prosperity. The gifts of society and the gifts of nature would be treated as a
joint inheritance belonging to all: universal property. Those who benefit from
using them would pay according to their use, and the money received from their
use would be paid out equally to all.
If implemented on a
significant scale, universal property would inoculate the society against
extreme inequality. It would provide an asset-based source for a universal
basic income, not dependent on redistributive taxation. Charging for use of the
sky’s carbon-absorption capacity would help stabilize
the Earth’s climate by curbing emissions; similarly, financial
transaction taxes would help stabilize the
economy by curbing hair-trigger speculation.
Universal property is a bold
idea that does not fit neatly into old labels. It is neither Democratic nor
Republican, neither liberal nor conservative, neither socialist nor libertarian.
Or rather, it is both. It would advance equality and liberty together. And by
bringing everyone into the same boat as co-owners, it could help bridge the
divides that keep us apart.
https://www.scientificamerican.com/article/the-case-for-universal-property/
How
these mayors are bringing guaranteed income to their cities
On the ‘World Changing
Ideas’ podcast, we spoke to two mayors who launched guaranteed income pilot
programs in their cities—and to a recipient of those supplemental checks.
BY TALIB VISRAM
Tomas Vargas Jr. used
to work part time as a youth facilitator for convicted juveniles in Stockton,
California. He also repaired cars and did other odd jobs. “I was sitting there,
just trying to make the checks work,” he says. That was before he was randomly
selected to be part of a guaranteed income pilot program: to receive a sum of
$500 per month for two years, no questions asked.
That pilot laid the
groundwork for more mayors around the country to follow suit, many of whom are
part of Mayors for
a Guaranteed Income, a coalition of 55 mayors, and counting, aiming to ease
people’s financial burdens with supplemental income. The founder of the
coalition, and that Stockton pilot, former Mayor Michael Tubbs, joined us on
the World Changing Ideas podcast to discuss MGI, which won
a 2021 World Changing Ideas Award in the Politics and
Policy category.
Conti]Fundamentally,
guaranteed income is an anti-poverty measure. “It comes from a Kingian
tradition in terms of how do we eliminate poverty in our country,” Tubbs says,
referring to Martin Luther King Jr., who decades ago proposed guaranteed income as a way to
alleviate poverty. Tubbs also notes how it’s an idea that historically has been
embraced by unlikely allies like economist Milton Friedman and former President
Richard Nixon. (Today, though, Tubbs is still trying to get the first
Republican mayor on board.)
Unlike universal basic
income, which qualifies everyone, guaranteed income prioritizes those who’ve
been stuck in “economic purgatory” for generations: those who struggle to
survive on their income, yet are often are making “too much” to qualify for
welfare. In this model, instead of meager government benefits, poorer residents
receive cash, no strings attached—to be spent in the way they see fit for their
families. “The idea is to turn notions of deservingness on [their] head,” Tubbs
says. “They don’t necessarily need us to tell them exactly how to spend every
single cent.”
city of
Cambridge]Mayor Sumbul Siddiqui of Cambridge, Massachusetts, who also joined on
the podcast, agrees: “You’re putting faith in your families,” she says. “We
know they have the agency to do what they want with cash.” Siddiqui’s city,
which suffers from extreme wealth disparity, is launching its own pilot,
starting with a lottery this summer to draw successful candidates. Like many of
the pilot programs, it’s targeted to a specific population, based on need.
While some have sent their cash solely to Black fathers, or people recently
released from prison, hers is for single caretakers.
According to Tubbs,
data collected from Stockton’s pilot has shown that people are spending the cash on essentials like transport,
childcare, and clearing debts—as Vargas did. Vargas says it helped
“tremendously,” not only financially but also mentally. “I was able to make
better choices,” he says.
Tubbs’s research
supports this idea of an alleviation of stress and depression due to economic
anxiety. “No matter how you slice and dice it,” he says, “the data will come
back that economic security is good for them.”
The intention is for
that data, and more to come, to be presented as evidence to make guaranteed income
a federal program. After all, pilots have limitations: They’re short-lived, and
participation amounts to the luck of the draw for residents. Furthermore,
budget-constrained cities are relying heavily on unsustainable private
funding—such as the $18 million donated to MGI by Twitter CEO Jack Dorsey. The
mayors are encouraged by glimmers of federal GI, such as the COVID-19 recovery
checks, and President Joe Biden’s childcare tax credits of up to $300 per child.
But the coalition is
pushing for something more robust and long-lasting. “I come at this
unapologetically from the lens of: I don’t like poverty,” Tubbs says. “I don’t
think we should have poverty. And a guaranteed income accomplishes that goal.”
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